Effect of Buddhism on Hinduism
What was the effect of Buddha's teachings on the old Aryan
reli-gion and the popular beliefs that prevailed in India? There can be no
doubt that they produced powerful and permanent effects on many aspects of
religious and national life. Buddha may not have thought of himself as the
founder of a new religion; probably he looked upon himself as a reformer only.
But his dynamic perso-nality and his forceful messages attacking many social
and religious practices inevitably led to conflict with the entrenched priesthood.
He did not claim to be an uprooter of the existing social order or economic
system; he accepted their basic premises and only at-tacked the evils that had
grown under them. Nevertheless he functioned, to some extent, as a social
revolutionary and it was because of this that he angered the Brahmin class who
were inter-ested in the continuance of the existing social practices. There is nothing
in Buddha's teachings that cannot be reconciled with the wide-flung range of
Hindu thought. But when Brahmin supre-macy was attacked it was a different
matter.
It
is interesting to note that Buddhism first took root in Magadha, that
part of northern India where Brahminism was weak. It spread gradually west and
north and many Brahmins also joined it. To begin with, it was essentially a
Kshatriya move-ment but with a popular appeal. Probably it was due to the
Brahmins, who later joined it, that it developed more along philo-sophical and
metaphysical lines. It may have been due also chiefly to the Brahmin Buddhists
that the Mahayana form developed; for, in some ways, and notably in its
catholic variety, this was more akin to the varied form of the existing Aryan
faith. Buddhism influenced Indian life in a hundred ways, as it was bound to,
for it must be remembered that it was a living, dynamic, and widespread
religion in India for over a thousand years. Even in the long years of its
decline in India, and when later it practically ceased to count as a separate
religion here, much of it remained as a part of the Hindu faith and in national
ways of life and thought. Even though the religion as such was ultimately
rejected by the people, the ineffaceable imprint of it remained and powerfully
influenced the development of the race. This permanent effect had little to do
with dogma or philosophic theory or religious belief. It was the ethical and
social and practical idealism of Buddha and his religion that influenced our
people and left their imperishable marks upon them, even as the ethical ideals
of Christianity affected Europe though it may not pay much attention to its
dogmas, and as Islam's human, social, and practical approach influenced many
people who were not attracted by its religious forms and beliefs. The Aryan
faith in India was essentially a national religion restricted to the land, and
the social caste structure it was developing emphasized this aspect of it.
There were no missionary enterprises, no proselytization, no looking outside
the frontiers of India. Within India it proceeded on its own unobtrusive and
subconscious way and absorbed new-comers and old, often forming new castes out
of them. This attitude to the outside world was natural for those days, for
communications were difficult and the need for foreign contacts hardly arose.
There were no doubt such contacts for trade and other purposes but they made no
difference to India's life and ways. The ocean of Indian life was a
self-contained one, big and diverse enough to allow full play for its many
currents, self-conscious and absorbed in itself, caring little for what
happened beyond its boundaries. In the very heart of this ocean burst forth a
new spring, pouring out a fountain of fresh and limpid water, which ruffled the
old surface and overflowed, not caring at all for those old boundaries and
barriers that man and nature had erected. In this fountain of Buddha's teaching
the appeal was to the nation but it was also to more than the nation. It was a
universal call for the good life and it recognized no barriers of class or
caste or nation.
This was a novel approach for the India of his day. Ashoka
was the first person to act upon it in a big way with his embassies to, and
missionary activities in, foreign countries. India thus began to develop an
awareness of the world, and probably it was largely this that led, in the early
centuries of the Christian era, to vast colonial enterprises. These expeditions
across the seas were orga-nized by Hindu rulers and they carried the
Brahminical system and Aryan culture with them. This was an extraordinary
development for a self-contained faith and culture which were gradually
build-ing up a mutually exclusive caste system. Only a powerful urge and
something changing their basic outlook could have brought this about. That urge
may have been due to many reasons, and most of all to trade and the needs of an
expanding society, but the change of outlook was partly due to Buddhism and the
foreign contacts it had brought about. Hinduism was dynamic enough and full of
an overflowing energy at the time but it had previously not paid much attention
to foreign countries. One of the effects of the universalism of the new faith
was to encourage this dynamic energy to flow out to distant countries.Much of the ritualism
and ceremonial associated with the Vedic, as well as more popular forms of
religion, disappeared, particularly animal sacrifices. The idea of
non-violence, already present in the Vedas and Upanishads, were emphasized by
Buddhism and and even more so by Jainism. There was a new respect for life and
a kindness to animals. And always behind all this was the endea-vour to lead
the good life, the higher life.Buddha had denied the
moral value of austere asceticism. But the whole effect of his teaching was one
of pessimism towards life. This was especially the Hinayana view and even more
so that of Jainism. There was an emphasis on other-worldliness, a desire for
liberation, of freedom from the burdens of the world. Sexual continence was
encouraged and vegetarianism increased. All these ideas were present in India
before the Buddha but the emphasis was different. The emphasis of the old Aryan
ideal was on a full and all-rounded life. The student stage was one of
continence and discipline, the householder participated fully in life's
activities and took sex as part of them. Then came a gradual withdrawal and a
greater concentration on public service and individual improve-ment. Only the
last stage of life, when old age had come, was that of sanyasa or full
withdrawal from life's normal work and attachments.Previously small
groups of ascetically inclined people lived in forest settlements, usually
attracting students. With the coming of Buddhism huge monasteries and nunneries
grew up every- where and there was a regular flow of population towards them.
The very name of the province of Bihar to-day is derived from Vihara, monastery,
which indicates how full that huge area must have been of monasteries. Such
monasteries were educational establishments also or were connected with schools
and some-times with universities.
Not only India but the whole of Central Asia had large
numbers of huge Buddhist monasteries. There was a famous one in Balkh,
accommodating 1,000 monks, of which we have many records. This was called Nava-vihara,
the new monastery, which was Persianized into Naubahar.Why was it that
Buddhism resulted in the growth of other-worldliness in India far more than in
some other countries where it has flourished for long periods—in China, Japan
and Burma? I do not know, but I imagine that the national background of each
country was strong enough to mould the religion according to its shape. China,
for instance, had the powerful traditions derived from Confucius and Lao-tze
and other philosophers. Then again, China and Japan adopted the Mahayana form
of Buddhism which was less pessimistic in its approach than the Hinayana. India
was also influenced by Jainism which was the most otherworldly and
life-negating of all these doctrines and philosophies.
Yet another very curious effect of Buddhism in India and on
its social structure appears to have been one that was entirely opposed to its
whole outlook. This was in relation to caste, which it did not approve of
though it accepted its original basis. The caste system in the time of the
Buddha was flexible and had not developed the rigidity of later periods. More
importance was attached to capacity, character, and occupation, than to birth.
Buddha himself often uses the term Brahmin as equivalent to an able, earnest,
and disciplined person. There is a famous story in the Chhandogya Upanishad
which shows us how caste and sex relations were viewed then.
This
is the story of Satyakama whose mother was Jabala. Satyakama wanted to become a
student of the sage Gautama (not the Buddha) and, as he was leaving his home,
he asked his mother: 'Of what gotra (family or clan) am I?' His mother said to
him: 'I do not know, my child, of what family thou art. In my youth when I had
to move about much as a servant (waiting on the guests in my father's house), I
conceived thee. I do not know of what family thou art. I was Jabala by name,
thou art Satyakama. Say that thou art Satyakama Jabala (that is, Satyakama, the
son of Jabala).' Satyakama then went to Gautama and the sage asked him about
his family. He replied in the words of his mother. Thereupon the teacher said:
'No one but a true Brahmin would thus speak out. Go and fetch fuel, friend. I shall
initiate you. You have not swerved from the truth.
Probably
at the time of the Buddha the Brahmins were the only more or less rigid caste.
The Kshatriyas or the ruling class were proud of their group and family
traditions but, as a class, their doors were open for the incorporation of
individuals or families who became rulers. For the rest most people were
Vaishyas, the agriculturists, an honoured calling. There were other
occupational castes also. The so-called caste-less people, the untouchables,
appear to have been very few, probably some forest folk and some whose
occupation was the disposal of dead bodies, etc.
The emphasis of Jainism and Buddhism on non-violence led to
the tilling of the soil being considered a lowly occupation, for it often
resulted in the destruction of animal life. This occupation, which had been the
pride of the Indo-Aryans, went down in the scale of values in some parts of the
country, in spite of its fundamental importance, and those who actually tilled
the land des-cended in the social scale.Thus Buddhism, which
was a revolt against priestcraft and ritualism and against the degradation of
any human being and his deprivation of the opportunities of growth and leading
a higher life, unconsciously led to the degradation of vast numbers of tillers
of the soil. It would be wrong to make Buddhism respon-sible for this, for it
had no such effect elsewhere. There was some-thing inherent in the caste system
which took it in this direction. Jainism pushed it along that way because of
its passionate attach-ment to non-violence—Buddhism also inadvertently helped
in the process.
How did Hinduism Absorb
Buddhism in India?
Eight
or nine years ago, when I was in Paris, Andre Malraux put me a strange question
at the very beginning of our conversation. What was it, he asked me, that
enabled Hinduism, to push away organized Buddhism from India, without any major
conflict, over a thousand years ago? How did Hinduism succeed in absorbing, as
it were, a great and widespread popular religion, without the usual wars of
religion which disfigure the history of so many countires? What inner vitality
or strength did Hinduism possess then which enabled it to perform this
remarkable feat? And did India possess this inner vitality and strength to-day?
If so, then her freedom and greatness were assured. The question was perhaps
typical of a French intellectual who was also a man of action. And yet few
persons in Europe or America would trouble themselves over such matters; they
would be much too full of the problems of to-day. Those present-day world
prob-lems filled and troubled Malraux also, and with his powerful and
analytical mind he sought light wherever he could find it in the past or in the
present—in thought, speech, writing, or, best of all, in action, in the
game of life and death.
For
Malraux the question was obviously not just an academic one. He was full of it
and he burst out with it as soon as we met. It was a question after my own
heart, or rather the kind of ques-tion that my own mind was frequently framing.
But I had no satisfactory answer to it for him or for myself. There are answers
and explanations enough, but they seem to miss the core of the problem.
It
is clear that there was no widespread or violent extermina-tion of Buddhism in
India. Occasionally there were local troubles or conflicts between a Hindu
ruler and the Buddhist Sangha, or organization of monks, which had grown
powerful. These had usually a political origin and they did not make any
essential difference. It must also be remembered that Hinduism was at no time
wholly displaced by Buddhism. Even when Buddhism was at its height in India,
Hinduism was widely prevalent. Buddhism died a natural death in India, or
rather it was a fading out and a transformation into something else. 'India,'
says Keith, 'has a strange genius for converting what it borrows and
assimilating it.' If that is true of borrowings from abroad or from alien
sources, still more is it applicable to something that came out of its own mind
and thought. Buddhism was not only entirely a product of India; its philosophy
was in line with pre-vious Indian thought and the philosophy of the Vedanta
(the Upanishads). The Upanishads had even ridiculed priestcraft and ritualism
and minimised the importance of caste.
Brahminism
and Buddhism acted and reacted on each other, and in spite of their dialectical
conflicts or because of them, approached nearer to each other, both in the
realm of philosophy and that of popular belief. The Mahayana especially
approached the Brahminical system and forms. It was prepared to compromise with
almost anything, so long as its ethical background remained. Brahminism made of
Buddha an avatar, a God. So did Buddhism. The Mahayana doctrine spread
rapidly but it lost in quality and distinctiveness what it gained in extent.
The monasteries became rich, centres of vested interests, and their discipline
became lax;. Magic and superstition crept into the popular forms of worship.
There was a progressive degeneration of Buddhism in India after the first
millenium of its existence. Mrs. Rhys Davids points out its diseased state
during that period: 'under the overpowering influence of these sickly
imaginations the moral teachings of Gautama have been almost hid from view. The
theories grew and flourished, each new step, each new hypothesis demanded
an-other; until the whole sky was filled with forgeries of the brain, and the
nobler and simpler lessons of the founder of the religion were smothered
beneath the glittering mass of metaphysical subtleties(S. Radhakrishnan, 'Indian Philosophy,' Allen & Unwin, London, 1927.).This description might well apply to many of the
'sickly imagin-ings' and 'forgeries of the brain' which were afflicting
Brahminism and its offshoots at that time.
Buddhism had started at a time
of social and spiritual revival and reform in India. It infused the breath of
new life in the people, it tapped new sources of popular strength and released
new talent and capacity for leadership. Under the imperial patronage of Ashoka
it spread rapidly and became the dominant religion of India. It spread also to
other countries and there was a constant stream of learned Buddhist scholars
going abroad from India and coming to India. This stream continued for many
centuries. When the Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien came to India in the fifth century A.C.,
a thousand years after Buddha, he saw that Buddhism was flourishing in its
parent country. In the seventh century A.C. the still more famous
pilgrim Hsuan Tsang (or Yuan-Chwang) came to India and witnessed signs of
decay, although even then it was strong in some areas. Quite a large number of
Buddhist scholars and monks gradually drifted from India to China.
Meanwhile there had been a revival of Brahminism and a
great cultural renaissance under the Imperial Guptas in the fourth and fifth
centuries A.C. This was not anti-Buddhist in any way but it certainly
increased the importance and power of Brahmin-ism, and it was also a reaction
against the otherworldliness of Buddhism. The later Guptas contended for long
against Hun invasions and, though they drove them off ultimately, the country
was weakened and a process of decay set in. There were several bright periods
subsequently and many remarkable men arose. But both Brahminism and Buddhism
deteriorated and degrading practices grew up in them. It became difficult to
distinguish the two. If Brahminism absorbed Buddhism, this process changed
Brahminism also in many ways.
In the eighth century Shankaracharya, one of the
greatest of India's philosophers, started religious orders or maths for Hindu
sanyasins or monks. This was an adoption of the old Buddhist practice of the sangha.
Previously there had been no such organizations of sanyasins in
Brahminism, although small groups of them existed.
Some degraded forms of Buddhism continued in East
Bengal and in Sind in the north-west. Otherwise Buddhism gradually vanished
from India as a widespread religion.
The Indian Philosophical Approach
Though one thought leads to another, each usually
related to life's changing texture, and a logical movement of the human mind is sometimes discrenible, yet thoughts overlap
and the new and the old run side by side, irreconcilable and often
contra-dicting each other. Even an individual's mind is a bundle of
contradictions and it is difficult to recocnile his action one with another. A
people, comprising all stages of cultural development, represent in themselves
and in their thoughts, beliefs, and activities,, different ages of the past
leading up to the present. Probably their activities may conform more to the
social and cultural pattern of the present day, or else they would be stranded
and isolated from life's moving stream, but behind these activities lie
primitive beliefs and unreasoned convictions. It is astonishing to find in
countries industrially advanced, where every person automatically uses or takes
advantage of the latest modern discovery or device, beliefs and set ideas which
reason denies and intelligence cannot accept. A politician may of course
succeed in his business without being a shining example of reason or
intelligence. A lawyer may be a brilliant advocate and jurist and yet be
singularly ignorant of other matters. Even a scientist, that typical
representative of the modern age, often forgets the method and outlook of
science when he goes out of his study or laboratory.
This is so even in regard to the problems that affect
our daily lives in their material aspects. In philosophy and metaphysics the
problems are more remote, less transient and less connected with our day's
routine. For most of us they are entirely beyond our grasp unless we undergo a
rigid discipline and training of the mind. And yet all of us have some kind of
philosophy of life, conscious or unconscious, if not thought out then inherited
or accepted from others and considered as self-evident. Or we may seek refuge
from the perils of thought in faith in some religious creed or dogma, or in
national destiny, or in a vague and com-forting humanitarianism. Often all these
and others are present together, though with little to connect them, and we
develop split personalities, each functioning in its separate compartment.
Probably there was more unity and harmony in the human
personality in the old days, though this was at a lower level than to-day
except for certain individuals who were obviously of a very high type. During
this long age of transition, through which huma-nity has been passing, we have
managed to break up that unity, but have not so far succeeded in finding
another. We cling still to the ways of dogmatic religion, adhere to outworn
practices and beliefs, and yet talk and presume to live in terms of the scientific
method. Perhaps science has been too narrow in its approach to life and has
ignored many vital aspects of it, and hence it could not provide a suitable
basis for a new unity and harmony. Perhaps it is gradually broadening this
basis now, and we shall achieve a new harmony for the human personality on a
much higher level than the previous one. But the problem is a more difficult
and complex one now, for it has grown beyond the limits of the human personality.
It was perhaps easier to develop some kind of a har-monious personality
in the restricted spheres of ancient and medieval times. In that little
world of town and village, with fixed concepts of social organization and
behaviour, the individual and the group lived their self-contained
lives, protected, as a rule, from outer storms. To-day the sphere of even the
individual has grown world-wide, and different concepts of social organization
conflict with each other and behind them are different philosophies of life. A
strong wind arising somewhere creates a cyclone in one place and an
anti-cyclone in another. So if harmony is to be achieved by the individual, it
has to be supported by some kind of social harmony throughout the world.
In India, far more so than elsewhere, the old concept
of social organization and the philosophy of life underlying it,
have per-sisted, to some extent, to the present day. They could not have done
so unless they had some virtue which stabilized society and made it conform to
life's conditions. And they would not have failed ultimately and become a drag
and a hindrance, divorced from life, if the evil in them had not overcome that
virtue. But, in any event, they cannot be considered to-day as isolated
pheno-mena; they must be viewed in that world context and made to harmonize
with it.
'In India,' says Havell, 'religion is hardly a dogma,
but a working hypothesis of human conduct, adapted to different stages of
spiritual development and different conditions of life. A dogma might continue
to be believed in, isolated from life, but a working hypothesis of human
conduct must work and conform to life, or it obstructs life. The very raison
d'etre of such a hypothesis is its workableness, its conformity to life,
and its capacity to adapt itself to changing conditions. So long as it can do
so it serves its purpose and performs its allotted function. When it goes off
at a tangent from the curve of life, loses contact with social needs, and the
distance between it and life grows, it loses all its vitality and significance.
Metaphysical theories and speculations deal not with
the ever-changing stuff of life but with the permanent reality behind it, if
such exists. Hence they have a certain permanence which is not affected by
external changes. But, inevitably, they are the products of the environment in
which they grow and of the state of development of the human minds that
conceived them. If their influence spreads they affect the general philosophy
of life of a people. In India, philosophy, though in its higher reaches confined
to the elect, has been more pervasive than elsewhere and has had a strong
influence in moulding the national outlook and in deve-loping a certain
distinctive attitude of mind.
Buddhist philosophy played an important part in this
process and, during the medieval period, Islam left its impress upon
the national outlook, directly as well as indirectly, through the evolution
of new sects which sought to bridge the gap between Hinduism and the
Islamic social and religious structure. But, in the main, the dominating
influence has been that of the six systems of Indian philosophy, or darshanas,
as they are called. Some of these systems were themselves greatly affected
by Buddhist thought. All of them are considered orthodox and yet they vary in
their approach and their conclusions, though they have many common ideas. There
is polytheism, and theism with a personal God, and pure monism, and a system
which ignores God altogether and bases itself on a theory of evolution. There
is both idealism and realism. The various facets of the complex and inclusive
Indian mind are shown in their unity and diversity. Max Miiller drew attention
to both these factors: '... the more have I become impressed with the truth...
that there is behind the variety of the six systems a common fund of
what may be called national and popular philosophy.. .from which each thinker
was allowed to draw for his own purposes.'
There is a common presumption in all of them:
that the uni-verse is orderly and functions according to law, that there is a
mighty rhythm about it. Some such presumption becomes necessary, for otherwise
there could hardly be any system to explain it. Though the law of causality, of
cause and effect, functions, yet there is a measure of freedom to the
individual to shape his own destiny. There is belief in rebirth and an emphasis
on unselfish love and disinterested activity. Logic and reason are relied upon
and used effectively for argument, but it is recognised that often intuition is
greater than either. The general argument proceeds on a rational basis, in so
far as reason can be applied to matters often outside its scope. Professor
Keith has pointed out that 'The systems are indeed orthodox and admit the
authority of the sacred scriptures, but they attack the problems of existence
with human means, and scripture serves for all practical purposes but to lend
sanctity to results which are achieved not only without its aid, but often in
very dubious harmony with its tenets.'
The Six Systems of
Philosophy
The early beginnings
of the Indian systems of philosophy take us back to the pre-Buddhist era. They
develop gradually, the Brahminical systems side by side with the Buddhist,
often criti-cizing each other, often borrowing from one another. Before the
beginning of the Christian era, six Brahminical systems had taken shape and
crystallized themselves, out of the welter of many such systems. Each one of
them represents an independent approach, a separate argument, and yet they were
not isolated from each other but rather parts of a larger plan.
The six systems are
known as: (1) Nyaya, (2) Vaishesika, (3) Samkhya, (4) Toga,
(5) MimUmsa, and (6) Vedanta.
The Nyaya method
is analytic and logical. In fact Nyaya means logic or the science of right
reasoning. It is similar in many ways to Aristotle's syllogisms, though there
are also fundamental dif-ferences between the two. The principles underlying
Nyaya logic were accepted by all the other systems, and, as a kind of mental
discipline, Nyaya has been taught throughout the ancient and medieval periods
and up to to-day in India's schools and universities. Modern education in India
has discarded it, but wherever Sanskrit is taught in the old way, Nyaya is
still an essen-tial part of the curriculum. It was not only considered an
indispens-able preparation for the study of philosophy, but a necessary mental
training for every educated person. It has had at least as important a place in
the old scheme of Indian education as Aristotle's logic has had in European
education.
The
method was, of course, very different from the modern scientific method of
objective investigation. Nevertheless, it was critical and scientific in its own
way, and, instead of relying on faith, tried to examine the objects of
knowledge critically and to proceed step by step by methods of logical proof.
There was some faith behind it, certain presumptions which were not capable of
logical treatment. Having accepted some hypotheses the system was built up on
those foundations. It was presumed that there is a rhythm and unity in life and
nature. There was belief in a personal God, in individual souls, and an atomic
universe. The individual was neither the soul alone nor the body, but the
product of their union. Reality was supposed to be a complex of souls and
nature.
The Vaishesika system
resembles the Nyaya in many ways. It emphasizes the separateness of individual
selves and objects, and develops the atomic theory of the universe. The
principle of dharma, the moral law, is said to govern the universe, and
round this the whole system revolves. The hypothesis of a God is not clearly
admitted. Between the Nyaya and Vaisheshika systems and early Buddhist philosophy
there are many points of contact. On the whole they adopt a realistic approach.
The Samkhya system,
which Kapila (c. seventh century B.C.) is said to have shaped out
of many early and pre-Buddhist currents of thought, is remarkable. According to
Richard Garbe: 'In Kapila's doctrine, for the first time in the history of the
world, the complete independence and freedom of the human mind, its full
confidence in its own powers, were exhibited.'
The
Samkhya became a well-co-ordinated system after the rise of Buddhism. The
theory is a purely philosophical and meta-physical conception arising out of
the mind of man and having little to do with objective observation. Indeed,
such observation was not possible in matters beyond its reach. Like Buddhism,
Samkhya proceeded along rationalistic lines of inquiry and met the challenge of
Buddhism on the latter's own ground of reasoned argument without support of
authority. Because of this rationalistic approach, God had to be ruled out. In
SSmkhya thus there is neither a personal God nor an impersonal one, neither
mono-theism nor monism. Its approach was atheistic and it undermined the
foundations of a supernatural religion. There is no creation of the universe by
a god, but rather a constant evolution, the product of interaction between
spirit, or rather spirits, and matter, though that matter itself is of the
nature of energy. This evolution is a continuous process.
The Samkhya is called
dvaita, or a dualistic philosophy, because it builds its structure on two
primary causes: prakriti, or an ever-active and changing nature or
energy, and purusha, the spirit which does not change. There is an
infinite number of purushas or souls, or something in the nature of
consciousness. Under the influence of purusha, which itself is inactive,
prakriti evolves and leads to the world of continuous becoming. Causality is
accepted, but it is said that the effect really exists hidden in the cause.
Cause and effect become the undeveloped and developed states of one and the same
thing. From our practical point of view, however, cause and effect are
different and distinct, but basically there is an iden-tity between them. And
so the argument goes on, showing how from the unmanifested prakriti or energy,
through the influence of purusha or consciousness, and the principle of
causality, nature with its immense complexity and variety of elements has
developed and is ever changing and developing. Between the lowest and the
highest in the universe there is a continuity and a unity. The whole conception
is metaphysical, and the argument, based on certain hypotheses, is long,
intricate, and reasoned.
The Toga system
of Patanjali is essentially a method for the discipline of the body and the
mind leading up to psychic and spiritual training. Patanjali not only
crystallized this old system but also wrote a famous commentary on Panini's
Sanskrit gram-mar. This commentary, called the 'Mahabhashya' is as much of a
classic as Panini's work. Professor Stcherbatsky, of Leningrad, has written
that 'the ideal scientific wrok for India is the grammar of Panini with the
Mahabhashya of Patanjali (It is not established that Patanjali, the grammarian, was the same person as Patanjali, the author of the 'Toga Sutras.' The grammarian's date is definitely known—second century B.C. Some people are of opinion that the author of the 'Toga Sutras' was a different person and lived two or three hundred years later.).
Yoga is a word well
known now in Europe and America, though little understood, and it is associated
with quaint practices, more especially with sitting Buddha-like and gazing on
one's navel or the tip of one's nose (The word 'Toga' means union. Possibly it is derived from the same root as the English word 'yoke'—joining.). Some people learning odd tricks of
the body presume to become authorities on the subject in the West, and impress
and exploit the credulous and the seekers after the sensational. The system is
much more than these devices and is based on the psychological conception that
by proper training of the mind certain higher levels of consciousness can be reached.
It is meant to be a method for finding out things for oneself rather than a
preconceived metaphysical theory of reality or of the universe. It is thus
experimental and the most suitable conditions for carrying out the experiment
are pointed out. As such a method it can be adopted and used by any system of
philo-sophy, whatever its theoretical approach may be. Thus the adherents of
the atheistic Samkhya philosophy may use this method. Buddhism developed its
own forms of Yoga training, partly similar, pardy different. The theoretical
parts of Patanjali's Yoga system are therefore of relatively small importance;
it is the method that counts. Belief in God is no integral part of the system,
but it is suggested that such belief in a personal God, and devotion to him,
helps in concentrating the mind and thus serves a practical purpose.
The later stages of
Yoga are supposed to lead to some kind of intuitive insight or to a condition
of ecstasy, such as the mystics speak of. Whether this is some kind of higher
mental state, opening the door to further knowledge, or is merely a kind of self-hypnosis,
I do not know. Even if the former is possible, the latter fcertainly also
happens, and it is well-known that unregulated Yoga has sometimes led to
unfortunate consequences so far as the mind of the person is concerned.
But before these
final stages of meditation and contemplation are reached, there is the
discipline of the body and mind to be practised. The body should be fit and
healthy, supple and graceful, hard and strong. A number of bodily exercises are
prescribed, as also ways of breathing, in order to have some control over it
and normally to take deep and long breaths. 'Exercises' is the wrong word, for
they involve no strenuous movement. They are rather postures—asanas as they are
called-—and, properly done, they relax and tone up the body and do not tire it
at all. This old and typical Indian method of preserving bodily fitness is
rather re-markable when one compares it with the more usual methods involving
rushing about, jerks, hops, and jumps which leave one panting, out of breath, and
tired out. These other methods have also been common enough in India, as have
wrestling, swimming, riding, fencing, archery, Indian clubs, something in the
nature of ju-jitsu, and many other pastimes and games. But the old asana method
is perhaps more typical of India and seems to fit in with the spirit of her
philosophy. There is a poise in it and an unruffled calm even while it
exercises the body. Strength and fitness are gained without any waste of
energy or disturbance of the mind. And because of this the asanas are
suited to any age and some of them can be performed even by the old.
There are a large
number of these asanas. For many years now I have practised a few simple
selected ones, whenever I have had the chance, and I have no doubt that I have
profited greatly by them, living as I often did in environments unfavourable to
the mind and body. These and some breathing exercises are the extent of my
practice of the physical exercises of the Yoga system. I have not gone beyond
the elementary stages of the body, and my mind continues to be an unruly
member, misbehaving far too often.
The discipline of the
body, which includes eating and drinking the right things and avoiding the
wrong ones, is to be accompanied by what the Yoga system describes as ethical
preparation. This includes non-violence, truthfulness, continence, etc.
Non-violence or ahimsa is something much more than abstention from
physical violence. It is an avoidance of malice and hatred.
All this is supposed
to lead to a control of the senses; then comes contemplation and meditation,
and finally intense concentration, which should lead to various kinds of
intuition.
Vivekananda, one of
the greatest of the modern exponents of Yoga and the Vedanta, has laid repeated
stress on the experi-mental character of Yoga and on basing it on reason. 'No
one of these Yogas gives up reason, no one asks you to be hood-winked or to
deliver your reason into the hands of priests of any type whatsoever.... Each
one of them tells you to cling to your reason, to hold fast to it.' Though the
spirit of Yoga and the Vedanta may be akin to the spirit of science, it is true
that they deal with different media, and hence vital differences creep in.
According to the Yoga, the spirit is not limited to the intelligence, and also
'thought is action, and only action can make thought of any value.' Inspiration
and intuition are recognized but may they not lead to deception? Vivekananda
answers that inspiration must not contradict reason: 'What we call inspiration
is the development of reason. The way to intuition is through reason... .No
genuine inspiration ever contradicts reason. Where it does it is no inspira-tion.'
Also 'inspiration must be for the good of one and all; and not for name or fame
or personal gain. It should always be for the good of the world, and perfectly
unselfish.'
Again, 'Experience is
the only source of knowledge.' The same methods of investigation which we apply
to the sciences and to exterior knowledge should be applied to religion. 'If a
religion is destroyed by such investigation it was nothing but a useless and
unworthy superstition; the sooner it disappeared the better.' 'Why religions
should claim that they are not bound to abide by the standpoint of reason no
one knows... .For it is better that mankind should become atheist by following
reason than blindly believe in two hundred million gods on the authority of
anybody. . .. Perhaps there are prophets, who have passed the limits of sense
and obtained a glimpse of the beyond. We shall believe it only when we can do
the same ourselves; not before.' It is said that reason is not strong enough,
that often it makes mistakes. If reason is weak why should a body of priests be
considered any better guides? 'I will abide by my reason,' continues
Vivekananda, 'because with all its weakness there is some chance of my getting
at truth through it... . We should therefore follow reason, and also sympathise
with those who do not come to any sort of belief, following reason.' 'In the
study of this Raja Yoga no faith or belief is necessary. Believe nothing until
you find it out for yourself (Most of the extracts from Vivekananda's writings have been taken from Romain Rolland's 'Life of Vivekananda).
Vivekananda's
unceasing stress on reason and his refusal to take anything on trust derived
from his passionate belief in the freedom of the mind and also because he had
seen the evils of authority in his own country: 'for I was born in a country
where they have gone to the extreme of authority.' He interpreted— and he had
the right to interpret—the old Yoga systems and the Vedenta accordingly. But,
however much experiment and reason may be at the back of them, they deal with
regions which are beyond the reach or even the understanding of the average man—
a realm of psychical and psychological experiences entirely dif-ferent from the
world we know and are used to. Those experi-ments and experiences have
certainly not been confined to India, and there is abundant evidence of them in
the records of Christian mystics, Persian Sufis, and others. It is
extraordinary how these experiences resemble each other, demonstrating, as
Romain Rolland says, 'the universality and perennial occurrence of the great
facts of religious experience, their close resemblance under the diverse
costumes of race and time, attesting to the persistent unity of the human
spirit—or rather, for it goes deeper than the spirit, which is itself obliged
to delve for it—to the identity of the materials constituting humanity.'
Yoga, then, is an experimental
system of probing into the psychical background of the individual and thus
developing cer-tain perceptions and control of the mind. How far this can be
utilised to advantage by modern psychology, I do not know; but some attempt to
do so seems worth while. Aurobindo Ghose has defined Yoga as follows: 'All
Raja-Yoga depends on this perception and experience—that our inner elements,
combina-tions, functions, forces, can be separated or dissolved, can be newly
combined and set to novel and formerly impossible uses, or can be transformed and resolved into a new general synthesis
by fixed internal processes.'
The next system of
philosophy is known as the Mimamsa. This is ritualistic and tends
towards polytheism. Modern popular Hinduism as well as Hindu Law have been
largely influenced by this system and its rules which lay down the dharma or
the scheme of right living as conceived by it. It might be noted that the
poly-theism of the Hindus is of a curious variety, for the devas, the
shin-ing ones or gods, for all their special powers are supposed to be of a
lower order of creation than man. Both the Hindus and Buddhists believe that
human birth is the highest stage that the Being has reached on the road to
self-realization. Even the devas can only achieve this freedom and
realization through human birth. This conception is evidently far removed from
normal polytheism. Buddhists say that only man can attain the supreme
consummation of Buddhahood.
Sixthly and lastly in
this series comes the Vedanta system, which, arising out of the
Upanishads, developed and took many shapes and forms, but was always based on a
monistic philosophy of the universe. The purusha and prakriti of
the Samkhya are not consi-dered as independent substances but as modifications
of a single reality—the absolute. On the foundation of the early Vedanta,
Shankara (or Shankaracharya) built a system which is called the Advaita
Vedanta or non-dualist Vedanta. It is this philosophy which represents the
dominant philosophic outlook of Hinduism today.
It is based on pure
monism, the only ultimate reality in the metaphysical sense being the Atman,
the Absolute Soul. That is the subject, all else is objective. How that
Absolute Soul pervades everything, how the one appears as the many, and yet
retains its wholeness, for the Absolute is indivisible and cannot be divided,
all this cannot be accounted for by the processes of logical reason-ing, for
our minds are limited by the finite world. The Upanishad had described this Atman,
if this can be called a description thus: 'Whole is that, whole (too) is
this; from whole, whole cometh; take whole from whole, (yet) whole remains.'
Shankara builds a
subtle and intricate theory of knowledge and proceeding from certain
assumptions, step by step, by logical argu-ment, leads up to the complete
system of advaitism or non-dualism. The individual soul is not a separate entity
but that Absolute Soul itself though limited in some ways. It is compared to
the space enclosed in a jar, the Atman being universal space. For
practical purposes they may be treated as distinct from one another but this
distinction is apparent only, not real. Freedom consists in realizing this
unity, this oneness of the individual with the Absolute Soul.
The phenomenal world
we see about us thus becomes a mere reflection of that reality, or a shadow
cast by it on the empirical plane. It has been called Mayi, which has been
mistranslated as 'illusion.' But it is not non-existence. It is an intermediate
form between Being and non-Being. It is a kind of relative existence, and so
perhaps the conception of relativity brings us nearer to the meaning of
May&. What is good and evil then in this world? Are they also mere
reflections and shadows with no substance? Whatever they may be in the ultimate
analysis in this empirical world of ours there is a validity and importance in
these ethical distinctions. They are relevant where individuals function as
such.
These finite
individuals cannot imagine the infinite without limiting it; they can only form
limited and objective conceptions of it. Yet even these finite forms and
concepts rest ultimately in the infinite and Absolute. Hence the form of
religion becomes a relative affair and each individual has liberty to form such
con-ceptions as he is capable of.
Shankara accepted the
Brahminical organization of social life on the caste basis, as representing the
collective experience and wisdom of the race. But he held that any person
belonging to any caste could attain the highest knowledge.
There
is about Shankara's attitude and philosophy a sense of world negation and
withdrawal from the normal activities of the world in search for that freedom
of the self which was to him the final goal for every person. There is also a
continual insistence on self-sacrifice and detachment.And yet Shankara was a
man of amazing energy and vast activity. He was no escapist retiring into his
shell or into a corner of the forest, seeking his own individual perfection and
oblivious of what happened to others. Born in Malabar in the far south of
India, he travelled incessantly all over India, meeting innumerable people,
arguing, debating, reasoning, convincing, and filling them with a part of his
own passion and tremendous vitality. He was evi-dently a man who was intensely
conscious of his mission, a man who looked upon the whole of India from Cape
Comorin to the Himalayas as his field of action and as something that held
to-gether culturally and was infused by the same spirit, though this might take
many external forms. He strove hard to synthesize the diverse currents that
were troubling the mind of India of his day and to build a unity of outlook out
of that diversity. In a brief life of thirty-two years he did the work of many
long lives and left such an impress of his powerful mind and rich personality
on India that it is very evident to-day. He was a curious mixture of a
philosopher and a scholar, an agnostic and a mystic, a poet and a saint, and in
addition to all this, a practical reformer and an able organizer. He built up,
for the first time within the Brahminical fold, ten religious orders and of
these four are very much alive to-day. He established four great maths or
monasteries, locating them far from each other, almost at the fojir corners of
India. One of these was in the south at Sringeri in Mysore, another at Puri on
the east coast, the third at Dvaraka in Kathiawad on the west coast, and the
fourth at Badrinath in the heart of the Hima-layas. At the age of thirty-two
this Brahmin from the tropical south died at Kedarnath in the upper
snow-covered reaches of the Himalayas.
There is a
significance about these long journeys of Shankara throughout this vast land at
a time when travel was difficult and the means of transport very slow and
primitive. The very concep-tion of these journeys, and his meeting kindred
souls everywhere and speaking to them in Sanskrit, the common language of the
learned throughout India, brings out the essential unity of India even in those
far-off days. Such journeys could not have been uncommon then or earlier,
people went to and fro in spite of political divisions, new books travelled,
and every new thought or fresh theory spread rapidly over the entire country
and became the subject of interested talk and often of heated debate. There was
not only a common intellectual and cultural life among the educated people, but
vast numbers of common folk were conti-nually travelling to the numerous places
of pilgrimage, spread out all over the land and famous from epic times.
All this going to and
fro and meeting people from different parts of the country must have
intensified the conception of a common land and a common culture. This
travelling was not confined to the upper castes; among the pilgrims were men
and women of all castes and classes. Whatever the religious signi-ficance of
these pilgrimages in the minds of the people might have been, they were looked
upon also, as they are to-day, as holiday-time and opportunities for
merry-making and seeing different parts of the country. Every place of
pilgrimage contained a cross-section of the people of India in all their great
variety of custom, dress, and language, and yet very conscious of their common
features and the bonds that held them together and brought all of them to meet
in one place. Even the difference of language between the north and the south
did not prove a formidable barrier to this intercourse.
All this was so then
and Shankara was doubtless fully aware of it. It would seem that Shankara
wanted to add to this sense of national unity and common consciousness. He
functioned on the intellectual, philosophical and religious plane and tried to
bring about a greater unity of thought all over the country. He functioned also
on the popular plane in many ways, destroying many a dogma and opening the door
of his philosophic sanctuary to every one who was capable of entering it. By
locating his four great monasteries in the north, south, east, and west, he
evidently wanted to encourage the conception of a culturally united India.
These four places had been previously places of pilgrimage from all parts of the country, and now
became more so.
How well the ancient Indians chose their sacred places of
pilgrimage! Almost always they are lovely spots with beautiful natural surroundings.
There is the icy cave of Amaranath in Kashmir, and there is the temple of the
Virgin Goddess right at the southern tip of India at Rameshwaram, near Cape
Comorin. There is Benares, of course, and Hardwar, nestling at the foot of the
Himalayas, where the Ganges flows out of its tortuous moun-tain valleys into
the plains below, and Prayaga (or Allahabad) where the Ganges meets the Jumna,
and Mathura and Brindaban by the Jumna, round which the Krishna legends
cluster, and Budh Gaya where Buddha is said to have attained enlightenment, and
so many places in the south. Many of the old temples, especially in the south,
contain famous sculptures and other artistic remains. A visit to many of the
places of pilgrimage thus gives an insight into old Indian art.
Shankara is said to have helped in putting an
end to Buddhism in India as a widespread religion, and that thereafter
Brahminism absorbed it in a fraternal embrace. But Buddhism had shrunk in India
even before Shankara's time. Some of Shankara's Brahmin opponents called him a
disguised Buddhist. It is true that Buddhism influenced him considerably.
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